(PATTERNS OF PREJUDICE. Vol. 18, no. 1, 1984)
Anti-Nazi Antisemite: the Case of Douglas Reed
by Richard Thurlow
There has been a tendency in some recent work on the nature of antisemitic and fascist ideas in twentieth century Britain to assume an automatic connection between belief in the conspiracy theory of history and admiration of Adolf Hitler. Both Michael Billig and Gisela Lebzelter have stated there is a strong link between conspiracy beliefs and Hitler's genocidal policy towards the Jews. 1 Such a view has much to commend it. However, this connection needs some qualification. For one thing, the positive beliefs of some rightwing exponents of the conspiracy theory of history may be opposed to fascism and Nazism. 2 Furthermore, fascist apologists for Hitler in the 1930s, like Sir Oswald Mosley, later poured scorn on the conspiracy theory of history. 3
Somewhat less ambivalent was the case of Douglas Reed, the subject of this article. He was a man with impeccable anti-Hitler credentials, yet his published beliefs included virulent antisemitic and anti-Zionist views, and an increasingly pronounced belief in the conspiracy theory of history. His anti-Nazism led him to resign his post as Central European correspondent of The Times in 1938, mainly in protest against the newspaper's support for the British government's appeasement policy towards Hitler. Yet his vehement anti-Nazism was not straightforward. He based his objections not only on the assumption that Hitler wished to destory the peace of Europe and achieve world domination, but because he had perverted what Reed considered the original noble Christian ideals of National Socialism. These, according to Reed, had been more fully expounded by Otto Strasser in Germany.
Reed's background and early life experiences had much in common
with the sociological portrait of typical fascists or Nazis. 4 Born in 1895 of middle-class parents, Douglas Launcelot Reed enlisted in 1914 and served in the infantry and the Royal Flying Corps. 5 He became a junior officer, was wounded twice and mentioned in dispatches. After the war he found it difficult to readjust to civilian life; he was forced to accept employment beneath his wartime status, as a map-salesman and publisher's clerk. This strengthened his prejudices against those with less ability than himself.
For him, 'the league of the Old School Tie, a solid phalanx, stands guard over the approaches to advancement and shoots strangers at sight'. 6 The reviewer in the Times Literary Supplement of Reed's most famous book, Insanity Fair, noticed another less endearing feature of the depressing picture of his youth; 'There are passages about England that read like the utterings of some young Nazi hiker, properly trained in the Nazi Jugend, giving impressions - how the country is full of litter and slums and abuses with nobody to set them right and how the politicians cannot tell the truth … ' 7
In 1921 Reed joined The Times and showed much ability as a special correspondent in Berlin (1928-35), Vienna (1935-38) and as Central European correspondent (June to October 1938). Although an excellent descriptive journalist his analytical perceptions were much less acute. All his views on politics and society are based on selected sources, and he stubbornly clung to them whether they provided perceptive insights or, increasingly, defied common sense.
Reed's resignation from The Times highlighted an important point of principle about the direction of the newspaper. Prior to 1922, The Times had based its views on foreign policy chiefly on the despatches of its special correspondents overseas. This was of particular importance prior to the First World War with regard to Germany. The Times maintained a view independent of the Conservative government and consistently warned against the aggressive intentions of Germany towards Britain and the necessity for rearmament. 8 This changed in 1922 when Geoffrey Dawson was appointed editor for a second time and The Times became obsessed during the period of appeasement with the necessity to maintain imperial unity. One of the main reasons was that Dawson thought the Dominions would not support Britain in any effort to stop revision of the Versailles treaty, as, it was argued, Germany had been harshly punished by the peace treaties and that Austria and the Sudetenland should be part of her sphere of influence. There was also a residual an-
tipathy towards France and an unwillingness to support her in any anti-Germany policy, allied to an exaggerated belief in the unwillingness of the British public to stand up to Hitler. From 1933 Reed was concerned about alerting the British public to the threat Hitler posed to peace.
Reed's views on appeasement were shown in a private letter to Dawson in 1938, after the invasion of Austria. Reed argued that the ultimate object of Germany's military expansion was 'the destruction of England. This is a thing which nobody can understand, apparently, who has not lived with the Germans, Their real hatred is for England', and Britain he argued could 'only choose between capitulation, entailing the break-up of the Empire, and resistance, together with as many friends as we can rally to our cause. That may also lead to the break-up of the Empire. I don't know: things have now deteriorated almost too far to be saved.' For Reed, if England did not stand up to Hitler now, 'she is finished'. 9
In 1933 he obtained permission from Dawson to write a book on the Reichstag fire. This was published in 1934 as The Burning of the Reichstag. Reed had been The Times special correspondent at the trial. He had written this partly in the hope that the British public would become alerted to the dangers inherent in the Hitler regime. In April 1938 Insanity Fair was published, immediately after the Anschluss which it had predicted. He argued that Czechoslovakia would be the next item on Hitler's menu. The book became a bestseller with nearly one hundred reprintings before the end of the war.
As the European situation worsened and Reed's self-confidence increased with the success of Insanity Fair, so his writings became more vitriolic and directly critical of the British government's and The Times' appeasement policy. Naturally enough, Reed's relationship with his employer began to deteriorate after the publication of Insanity Fair. Yet, if the conflicting evidence is examined impartially, most of Reed's later claims that he was practically forced to resign because of personal hostility shown to him by The Times management, is unfair. The circumstances of his resignation arose partly over a difference of opinion about where he should be sent after Austria had been incorporated into Germany. It also involved a perceived decline in Reed's personal status at The Times.
While the attitude of The Times to Reed did not represent a conscious personalized conspiracy against him for publishing elsewhere his views on European affairs which did not reflect the
editorial policy of the newspaper, there can be little doubt that Reed's resignation from The Times greatly soured and embittered him. The success of Insanity Fair meant that he was no longer dependent on finding a post on another newspaper for his livelihood. Instead he decided to become an independent author and from 1938 until 1953 he wrote ten non-fiction books, as well as four novels and a play.
He explained his attitude in a short-lived one-man newspaper called London Tidings in 1946. For Reed 'Pressland' was inhabited by 'giant eunuchs' who were forced to be 'silent at the bidding of many unseen masters with who knows what motives'. He had now come to the conclusion that the power of the press had been used to mislead and not inform the public. The Second World War could have been averted, or England been better prepared, if the press had spoken the truth about Hitler before 1939. The 'unseen masters' had turned the victory of the Second World War into a defeat by 'the deprivation of human liberties which were won in centuries of struggle'. Thus for Reed, 'those who most raucously shout "Down with Fascism" use "war-time powers" to do the work of fascism in England. Or of Communism. For these are two Siamese twins and both homicidal maniacs.' He concluded by stating that he aspired 'to do what William Cobbett did over a century ago, and many Englishmen before him, to speak the truth in England. ' 10 For Reed 'Cobbett gave his whole life to the battle in England and above all to those two vital objectives: the freedom of the land and freedom from wrongful imprisonment. ' 11 Unfortunately the defence of popular liberties was not the only debt he owed to this tradition. Cobbett's antisemitism was also mirrored in Reed's work.
But while concerned to ally himself with a native British political tradition, the other important influences on Reed came from Germany during the Second World War. In particular he changed his attitude to Nazism. He no longer saw it simply as a front for the traditional pillars of the German political establishment. The aim of Nazism was seen as the destruction and depopulation of Germany, and its ultimate beliefs were no different from communism. For Reed, Hitler was an 'epileptic mongrel', a 'professional perjuror', 'the greatest traitor and renegade that Germany ever had' and a 'liar who believes in nothing' 12 However, this did not mean that Reed was opposed to the concept of National Socialism as such. For him,
the human values which needed to be defended against the twin barbarians of the modern age, fascism and Bolshevism, were 'religion, patriotism, liberty, human dignity and honour' . 13 Somewhat ironically he found these values best expressed from within a tradition that had at one stage been part of Hitler's Nazi party itself. This was from the so-called left opposition headed by Gregor and Otto Strasser. 14
After an ideological argument with Hitler, Otto Strasser left the Nazi Party in October 1930. Part of Reed's later work was to defend the ideas of Ouo Strasser and to attack the allies' treatment of him during and after the Second World War. To this end he wrote two books, Nemesis? The Story of Otto Strasser (1940) and The Prisoner of Ottawa (1953), and translated and introduced Otto Strasser's History in My Time (1940).
For Reed, Otto Strasser was a 'Conservative Revolutionary', 15 , a Christian National Socialist who opposed Hitler's belief in Nordic racial superiority by arguing that European people were a mixture of four or five races, and they should develop into a federation of equal nations and not one subject to German or Prussian domination.
Reed saw the future of Germany during the Second World War as being a battle between the old Prussian power structure against the forces of social revolution led by Strasser. Reed argued, in his play Downfall (1943), that the main pillars of the German political establishment, the army, the landed Junkers and the civil service, would oust Hitler once Germany's military defeat was seen to be inevitable. He would be replaced by Göring, and this would be done in the interests of a compromise peace so that the essential continuity of a German government dominated by Prussian militarism would be ensured.
Reed's obscure views on the future of Germany are of interest because they show he was not an infallible observer and analyser of German affairs. They exhibited both his prejudices and utopian views, and undermined his reputation as a prophet. Reed believed that if the Russian Communists were to be kept out of Central Europe, then his scenario was the only logical one. What he didn't predict was the emergence of liberal democratic forces in a divided Germany. Despite his long experiences of National Socialist Germany he totally misunderstood the nature of Hitler's power and his developing relationships both with the Nazi party and the traditional German political establishment. Similarly, he ludicrously over-
estimated the potential and orginality of the ideas of Otto Strasser. He always assumed that organizations based on secrecy and hidden sources tended to be far more powerful than perhaps they were. This proved to be one of the weaknesses of his developing conspiracy theory of history. Those in Germany who wished for radical change supported the Socialists (SPD) or Communists (KPD) and not Otto Stasser.
If Reed's Strasserite views led him to a mistaken analysis of the German situation, then his attempt to apply them to Britain during the Second World War was even more fanciful. He interpreted the necessary centralization of powers and direction of labour in the war as a deliberate attempt to further undermine the liberties of the people. In his view its chief function was to introduce fascism and totalitarian control into England by the back door. He failed to see that the groundwork of a social revolution was occurring during the Second World War, with the Beveridge Report and the passing of the Education Act in 1944, and would be continued in the post-war era, aimed at solving the social problems he was so concerned about.
One noticeable feature of Reed's writings which became more pronounced over time was an increased antisemitism. Colin Holmes has argued that Reed's arguments were pitched at a level between 'rational' opponents of Jews and those who showed less restraint. 16 This was certainly true of his writings in the 1930s and early 1940s, but after the Second World War Reed can be seen as a precursor of a revisionist, pseudo-intellectual form of the phenomenon, in which crude antisemitic arguments were transformed into more sophisticated anti-Zionist ones. His anti-Nazi credentials were to make him an important source for both far-right and neo-fascist views, in a cultural atmosphere which naturally equated all forms of antisemitism with Hitler's genocide policies.
Reed's antisemitism appears to have had cultural roots. His social background, so similar to that of many European fascists, undoubtedly predisposed him to an antisemitic outlook, as did his upbringing, mainly in the East End of London. This, initial tendency was reinforced by his years as a German and Central European correspondent of The Times. In Berlin, Vienna, Budapest and Bucharest there were Jewish minorities of varying sizes who were part of the 'social problems' of those cities. 17 H is anti-Jewish disposition was, no doubt, intensified by his less than happy experience in
writing The Burning of the Reichstag under pressure for the Jewish publisher, Victor Gollancz. When Reed had asked The Times for permission to write the book Dawson in his reply had argued that he must not lend himself 'to mere Semitic propaganda'. 18 The Times later discovered the inherent unlikeliness of the eventuality, when it turned down articles on the Jews of Central Europe by him on the grounds that 'good as your articles are, they seem to come down heavily on the antisemitic side of the scale…. You have put the bad points clearly but the balance would be improved if something were said about the benefits in finance, industry, and culture to set against them. ' 19
In both Insanity Fair and Disgrace A bounding his chapters on the Jews seem totally out of context with the rest of the argument. His rational, if at times misguided or one-sided, view of contemporary European politics degenerated into antipathy or blind prejudice when discussing the Jews. For Reed, 'the major issue for Englishmen, of our contemporary times needs to be made clear in a vital point. If we are, one day, to fight Germany again, it must not be to put the Jews back on their cushioned pasha thrones there. If we want to help the Jews we cannot do it by letting the least valuable of them into England, so that they can make London in 1939 look like Berlin in 1929.' 20
Reed's solution for the 'Jewish problem' was emigration from Europe to a national home which would not entail the forced movement of native peoples, like the Arabs in Palestine. His antisemitism raised doubts about his interpretation of Nazism because Reed was blind to the fact that antisemitism was the driving force behind Hitler's policies. For Reed the actions of organized Jewry were about as repugnant as those of Hitler. Therefore he refused to believe that Hitler could be a real antisemite, because two such evil forces could not be opposed to each other. Consequently, Reed believed that Hitler's antisemitism was a sham. He refused to believe stories of Jewish genocide, and he said that, after the war, 'the Jews in Germany have neither been annihilated nor exterminated, but that the great majority of them are still there trading and practising and I shall be glad in about five years fromnow to substantiate this statement chapter and verse' 21 Reed increasirigly came to see stories of Jewish genocide as atrocity propaganda which were usedby the forces behind political Zionism to gain sympathy for the formation of the State of Israel after the war. He later argued that the total number of Jews who died in the Hitler war were no more than the
proportion of the population that they comprised in each of the states occupied by the Nazis. 22
After the war Reed almost ceased referring to Jews. He switched his attention instead to the emerging State of Israel and the forces of political Zionism. In particular he now argued that the whole concept of antisemitism was an absurdity. For him the only antisemites were the Jews themselves, as the Zionists forced some of the native Semitic inhabitants out of Palestine. Reed argued that political Zionism had its origins in the ghettos of East European Ashkenazic Jewry. For Reed, 'the Eastern European Zionists are not Semites, have no Semitic blood, and their remote forefathers never trod Palestinian earth. They are Asiatics from innermost Russia who in olden times embraced the Hebrew faith. They are . . . direct descendants of the people of the Khazar kingdom. ' 23 He went on to quote one of his sources of information on this point. 'Professor' Lothrop Stoddard, the notorious American racialist, had argued that the Khazars were 'a mongrel breed of minor Asiatic races, with a strong admixture of Turko-Mongol blood', and who were 'short in stature, round-headed with large noses of coarser shape'. 24
If Reed was now moving towards a pseudo-intellectual theory of the significance of the racial origin of Ashkenazic Jewry, so, ironically, he adopted a refined version of the other major ingredient of Hitler's antisemitism, the conspiracy theory of history. Yet he could not admit that Hitler's views were correct, and so he clung to the fiction that he was a sham antisemite and - part of the conspiracy. For Reed his experiences as a newspaper reporter had first convinced him there were powers behind the scenes who pulled the wires of history. At the Reichstag fire trial he was convinced that Marinus van der Lubbe, the principal defendant, could not have set fire to the building unaided. 25 By the time his most notorious book, Far and Wide, was published in 1951 all political assassinations and significant acts of history had to be seen as part of a master plan: 'Wilkes Booth, Gavrile Princep, Marinus van der Lubbe, Vlada the Chauffeur. Whatever your name, your unimportant shape is clear, but the darkness around you hides your masters. ' 26 His own experience at trying to influence The Times in the 1930s convinced him that an organized conspiracy was at work, misleading the public about the real nature of Hitler's aims. The attempt to spread fascism and Communism in the Second World War, as he saw its aims and results, convinced him that the conspiracy was world-wide in its implications.
Communism and Zionism: forces behind the world conspiracy Reed found the essential key to the mystery in the writings of the English conspiracy researcher, Nesta Webster, and in The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion. For Reed, Nesta Webster had successfully linked the revolutionary outbreaks of the last two centuries to the plan outlined in the Protocols which, in Reed's view, were 'the scriptures of a black religion the tenets of which are destruction, depopulation, deportation, death. It is the doctrine of annihilation (or Nihilism)'. 27 For Reed, Hitler and Goebbels preached and achieved destruction, depopulation, deportation and death, exactly like Marx, Lenin and Trotsky, and were, therefore, part of the same conspiracy. 28 Reed became convinced that Hitler only pretended to be anti-Communist and anti-Jewish as his actions aided Communism and political Zionism in the long run.
Reed argued that the visible agents of the alleged conspiracy were world Communism in the East and world statesmen in the West. Behind the leaders of the Western world were direct agents of the conspiracy, or spies for Communist Russia. This was particularly true of the United States of America, where Colonel House had allegedly manipulated Woodrow Wilson, and Bernard Baruch, Harry Hopkins and Harry Dexter White, the chief advisors of Franklin D. Roosevelt, had steered American policy towards the aims of the conspiracy in the Second World War. These were the setting up of a 'World State to which all nations, having ruined each other, shall be enserfed'. For Reed, 'two groups, alien in all lands and powerful in all lands, chiefly promote that great design. The political explorer finds Soviet Communism and Zionist Nationalism in all countries to be forces powerful behind the scenes and in sum their separate efforts serve a converging ambition. ' 29 Reed even went so far as to predict the establishment of 'some new state in Arabia as a geographical centre of world control, with New York as the centre of world financial control and to subdue all nations to the thrall. ' 30
What these increasingly strange views signified was the increasing use by Reed of non-rational sources of explanation. In particular he came to believe that 'some occult influence continued to mould policy in the West in the shape desired by the tsars of anarchy in Asia'. 31 All these occult beliefs appear to have derived from Reed's reading of Nesta Webster's books. He accepted these explanations as the most comprehensible ones to explain the events of twentieth century society which he failed to understand in any rational manner.
This was particularly true of his view of British support for
political Zionism. For Reed it was only through hidden sources of power and influence that continuous British support for the founding of a Jewish homeland in Palestine could be explained. For reasons of antipathy or lack of analytical insight he failed to see that British support for Zionism had originally been due to a mixture of political idealism and a wish to gain the support of allegedly powerful lobbies in the USA and tsarist Russia in 1917.
The degree of irrationality in Reed's analysis of society in his later working career became particularly evident in a book which was published posthumously in South Africa, in 1978, as The Controversy of Zion. Reed had worked on this book from 1951 to 1954 but he had not tried to publish it in his lifetime. The basic argument was that the religion of the tribe of Judah, as stated in the books of Deuteronomy, Ezekiel and Ezra in the Old Testament, represented the creed of a venomous bloodthirsty religion. These views had been expanded in the Torah and Talmud and in an oral tradition later written down in the Kabala. For the Christian Reed, Jesus could not possibly have been a Jew, a fact proved by his upbringing in Galilee, which was in Roman times outside Judea.
Ultimately, Reed's fantastic views on Jewish history and culture differed little from Hitler's in their implication. It was only his Christianity, and his strong ethical sense, which prevent him from seeing the ultimate logic of his beliefs. Reed also appeared to have a slightly more charitable view of Sephardic Jewry, and welcomed true conversions to Christianity and to English patriotism, like that of Disraeli, and this made him somewhat ambivalent about defining Jewry in racial terms.
As Reed's views grew steadily more estranged from the political consensus, and his beliefs became more irrational and eccentric, so his popularity waned. Publishers became increasingly unwilling to handle his work, and soon after the end of the war he moved to South Africa, regarded by him as the last bastion of the old white European civilization which he now saw threatened by the continuing revolution of destruction. Macmillan's 'winds of change' speech and Harold Wilson's sanctions against Rhodesia were, in Reed's view, the contemporary equivalent of Neville Chamberlain's appeasement policy towards Hitler. His fight against the conspiracy had ultimately failed and he died in 1976 completely at odds with the trend of modern history.
The career and beliefs of Douglas Reed basically show that it is not a simple task to define the phenomenon of fascism. Here was a
man with many fascistoid beliefs who ruined his career by his crusading anti-fascism. In particular the tendency to equate all forms of right-wing antisemitism with the Hitlerian variety needs some reconsideration. Ultimately, the example of Douglas Reed shows that the concepts of Nazism, fascism and National Socialism, although related and having some belief systems in common, need to be distinguished carefully from each other.
The influence of Douglas Reed is rather more problematical. Certainly his anti-Nazism and his mainly accurate predictions in 1938-39 were of some importance in awakening the British public from the torpor of appeasement. However, any remaining influence was to be found in the underworld of British political culture. He kept the ideas of Nesta Webster alive in the 1940s and 1950s before they became important in the National Front conspiracy theory. A. K. Chesterton, the founder of the League of Empire Loyalists and first Chairman of the Directorate of the National Front, criticized his 'curious views about Hitler', but was in 'substantial agreement' with the rest of the argument.' 32 Two other important sources of conspiracy theory in England also kept his work alive. The Britons Library considered Reed to be 'a candidate for the title of the most important writer of this century', 33 and Bloomfield Books, who became the European agents for the Dolphin Press of South Africa, published The Controversy of Zz'on and a pamphlet, The Grand Design, posthumously. 34 While his genuine anti-Nazism meant that he had less direct influence than others in the dissemination of the conspiracy theory in neo-fascist circles; his revisionist approach and his conversion of antisemitism into anti-Zionism meant he became an often acknowledged link between inter-war antisemitism and contemporary neo-fascism. Recently some elements in the National Front have become interested in Strasserism as a revisionist form of Nazism. Outside such circles, however, Douglas Reed is a forgotten name whose temporary fame is only remembered now by the more eccentric denizens of second-hand bookshops.
1 M. Billig, Fascists (London 1978). 124-90: G. Lebzelter. Political Antisemitism in England 1918-1939 (London 1978), 171.
2 R. Thurlow, 'Powers of Darkness': PATTF.RNS OF PREJUDICE, vol. 12. no. 6. November-December 1978, 2-3.
3 O. Mosley. My Life (London 1968), 342.
4 See W.F. Mandle. 'The leadership of the BUF', A ustralian Journal of Pohtics and History. vol. 22. no. 3, 1966, 360-83: R . Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler (Princeton 1982), 309-60; C. Fisher, Stormtroopers (London 1983), 25-81; and M. Kater, The Nazi Party: A
Social Profile of Members and Leaders. 1919-45 (Oxford 1983), 139-65, 229-33.
5 Obituary of Douglas Reed, The Times, 23 September 1976. See also D. Reed, Insanity Fair (London 1938), 7-47.
6 Ibid., 43. See also W.L. Jannen Jr, 'The National Socialists and social mobility ', Journal of Social History, vol. 9, no. 3, 1976, 339-66 for the view that the Nazis were supported by the ambitious who lacked paper qualifications and wished to by-pass the credential society.
7 'Unstable Europe from Lenin to the Nazis', The Times Literary Supplement, 2 April 1938.
8 The History of the Times, vol. 4 (London 1952), 1,001.
9 Times Archive, Douglas Reed File, Letter from Reed to Dawson, 16 March 1938. I would like to thank the The Times for allowing me to consult the material they possess on Reed.
10 London Tidings, no. 1, 1946.
11 Lest We Regret, 56 .
12 Nemesis? The Story of Otto Strasser (London 1940), 73, 76, 96 and 97.
13 From Smoke to Smother (London 1948), 9.
14 For a very different view of the Strasser brothers to that presented by Reed see P. Stachura, Gregor Strasser and the Rise of Nazism (London 1983). Stachura argues convincingly that Otto Strasser's views on his own significance and that of his brother are inherently unreliable.
15 Nemesis?, 252; The Prisoner of 0ttowa (London 1953), 89-90.
16 C. Holmes, Antisemitism in British Society 1876-1939 (London 1979), 217.
17 See K. Schleunes, The Twisted Road to Auschwitz (London 1972), 3-35, and I. Nagy-Talavera, The Greenshirts and the Others (Stanford 1970), 37-48, for the Jewish role in Germany, Hungary and Romania.
18 Times Archive, Douglas Reed File, Letter from Dawson to Reed, 29 November 1933.
19 Times Archive, Douglas Reed File, Letter from Deakin to Reed, 1 March 1938.
20 Disgrace A bounding (London 1939), 265.
21 A Prophet at Home (London 1941), 94.
22 The Controversy of Zion (Durban 1978), 400.
23 Somewhere South of Suez (London 1950), 349.
24 Ibid., 353. See A. Koestler, The Thirteenth Tribe (London 1976), for a sensible assessment of this theory and its implications. The alleged Khazar origins of Ashkenazic Jewry was a quasi-scientific theory which had become a popular subject for discussion in smart London clubs during the Second World War. See B.Wasserstein, Britain and the Jews of Europe 1939-45 (Oxford 1979), 117.
25 Most modern research has suggested that Van der Lubbe was the sole culprit. See H. Mommsen, 'The Reichstag fire and the political consequences' in H. Holborn (ed.), Republic to Reich. The Making of the Nazi Revolution (New York 1973), 129-222, and F. Tobias, The Reichstag Fire (New York 1964).
26 Far and Wide (London 1951), 53.
27 From Smoke to Smother, 282.
28 Ibid., 294.
29 Far and Wide, 7-8.
30 From Smoke to Smother, 298.
31 The Prisoner of Ottawa. 17.
32 A.K. Chesterton. The New Unhappy Lords (Liss Forest 1975). 247.
33 Britons Library Sale List 3, 1978.
34 Bloomfield Books advertisement. The Controversy of Zion.